How are politicians like magicians

"The Magician and Politics" Thomas Mann and the upheavals of the twentieth century

Table of Contents

introduction

Part 1 Thomas Mann and the upheavals around 1919
Chapter 1: War Propagand a
Chapter 2: Considerations of an Apolitical
2.1 Origin Special features and overview of the considerations of an apolitical
2.2 Aesthetics and Politics
2.3 The fratricidal war
Chapter 3: Thomas Mann and the revolution of 1918/19
Chapter 4: Thomas Mann and the Jews
Chapter 5: Summary Part I.

Part 2 Thomas Mann and the upheavals around 1945
Chapter 1: Propaganda
Chapter 2: A Political Theory Around 1945?
Chapter 3: In Exile
3.1 Special role in exile
3.2 Thomas Mann and the examination of "inner emigration"
3.3 Relationship with the USA
Chapter 4: Jews
Chapter 5: 1 + 1 = 1
5.1. Good and bad Germany?
5.2. Ideas for a post-war Germany
5.3. FRG and GDR
Chapter 6: Summary Part II

Part 3 changes and constants
Chapter 1: Civilization and Culture
Chapter 2: Nation and Patriotism
Chapter 3: Art and Politics
Chapter 4: Concept of politics and access to politics
Chapter 5: Classification of the political statements of Thomas Mann

Conclusion

Bibliography

Primary texts:

Secondary literature:

introduction

The summer of 2005 marked the fiftieth anniversary of Thomas Mann's death. A fact that I wasn't really aware of when I was looking for a topic. This alone makes the topic discussed topical. Nonetheless, it is superficially not particularly original to write about the German literary figure, about whom a huge number of secondary literature has appeared in recent years. Somewhat overlooked, however, is Thomas Mann's relationship with politics. There is a standard work by Kurt Sontheimer on this topic, but it is already 40 years old. Released in the summer of 2005 Thomas Mann and politics by Manfred Görtemaker, who claimed to update Kurt Sontheimer's book. In my opinion, Görtemaker's weakness lies in the fact that although he works up the various sources on Thomas Mann very carefully, he lacks a fundamental assessment and classification of Thomas Mann's political statements. In terms of content, I would still like to orientate myself on the two aforementioned works, which means that a wide field of Mann's political statements is covered in the present approval work and some interesting sub-areas can only be mentioned for reasons of space. My focus is much more on showing Mann's political thinking, partially evaluating it and examining to what extent there are constants and changes in Mann's political thinking. There is hardly any research literature on this point. In order to show changes and constants, I do not proceed chronologically like many titles that deal with Thomas Mann, but I have selected two fixed points in the life of Thomas Mann, on which I illuminate his political position and finally in the third chapter using basic variables of his political thinking. My outline seems historical, and with good reason. Thomas Mann's political thinking was shaped by his relationship to his fatherland. It is therefore important to work in a centered manner in Germany. On the other hand, one of the explanations Thomas Mann had for German fascism was the lack of a revolution in Germany. So it makes sense to tie Thomas Mann's attitudes towards politics, his understanding of politics and his terminology to the two revolutionary changes in Germany in 1918/19 and 1945. I do not stick dogmatically to the two years, but look at the period around them. I think that my approach helps to break out of the often blatant understanding of Mann's politics, away from the phrases that Thomas Mann was apolitical and then became a republican from now on in 1922 and that Thomas Mann completely gave up his former political way of thinking around 1945 with his anti-fascism Has.

I prove that there are surprising constants in Thomas Mann's political thinking between 1919 and 1945, but also equally surprising breaks. The aim is to classify the entirety of Thomas Mann's political statements.

Regarding the primary literature used, I would like to say that, unusually, I have not chosen Thomas Mann's Collected Works as a reference. The reason for this is that I had different editions available in the Thomas Mann Archives in Zurich, in the Mannheim and Heidelberg University Libraries, and at home, so I unfortunately had to quote different primary texts in some cases.

Regarding the secondary literature used, I would like to mention a few works that have been of great help to me due to their scientific quality and which I would like to recommend to everyone who deals with this topic. In particular Herrmann Kurzke's treatises on Thomas Mann are unreservedly recommended, but also Jaques Daumaun, who deals with Thomas Mann and the Jews, or Martina Hoffschulte, who deals with German listeners! busy and last but not least Reinhard Mehring's book about Thomas Mann as a philosopher.

Part 1 Thomas Mann and the upheavals around 1919

Chapter 1: War Propagand a

The outbreak of World War I marked a turning point in the history of Europe and marked the real beginning of the 20th century. The outbreak of war excited large parts of Europe with enthusiasm in the mad hope of experiencing self-purification. It was similar with Thomas Mann. However, it is wrong to say that its politicization took place with the outbreak of war. Mann's politicization took place in the years before through the intensive examination of Wagner's music and Dostoyevsky's literature[1] instead of. This gave rise to an aesthetic concept of politics, which I will explain in a later chapter. The war therefore did not politicize Mann, but it did open up a number of opportunities for Thomas Mann.

In his Thomas Mann biography, Herrmann Kurzke cites a few points in Mann's life that can speak as a plausible explanation for the esthete Thomas Mann's enthusiasm for war.

1. The war freed from disorientation and gave life a meaning and purpose again. 2. The war freed from the creative crisis. 3. The war gave permission for open hatred of brotherhood (sic!). 4. The war offered opportunities to satisfy the ambition aimed at greatness and to become a national poet. 5. The war made it possible to show oneself as a “man” in spite of those who had made him contemptuous as a woman, couch potato and fine gold-cut soul. 6. In a subtle way, the war even seemed to offer solutions to the conflict between spirit and life, between father world and mother world, between marriage and homoeroticism, between the dream of power and exaltation on the one hand and the dream of love and merging on the other - and not just solutions, but intoxicating syntheses![2]

In Mann's self-portrayal, although he was retired as unfit, he was doing military service just like the ordinary soldier at the front[3]. In this context, Stefan Heiner speaks of spiritual mobilization. Thomas Mann gave his life a new structure with regular working hours and did his work at the desk. The war provided the material and the dramaturgy that Mann sorely needed for his novels. Even the pre-war works like that Buddenbrooks or Royal Highness were based either on his own biography or on social circumstances, yes you can even Royal Highness see as early propaganda, which appears to be critical of the Kaiser in places, but nevertheless approves of the German way of reforms from above. The First World War and the initial enthusiasm for the war offer Thomas Mann the opportunity to focus his literary work on the subject of the essays (Thoughts in War, Considerations of an apolitical en) expand and continue or improve existing literary concepts.

The First World War with its political constellations supported Mann's concept of politics around 1914 and they also made it possible for him to express himself politically for the first time in his works, but also directly in public.

Thomas Mann reacted promptly to the outbreak of war in the summer of 1914 and the opportunities that opened up for him and published it just 60 days after the start of the war[4] his first propaganda pamphlet Thoughts in War. The basic conception in Mann's “political” thinking was already laid out in the years before through the examination of Dostoyevsky's literature, and has now been carried out and presented to the public, who gladly took up the theories of the Buddenbrooks author. The basic theses of the Thoughts in War are comparable to the Considerations of an apolitical, that is why I am only presenting it rudimentary at this point Thoughts in War appear as intellectual propaganda pamphlet that tries to pinpoint Germany's superiority, especially over France. With a lot of pathos, Mann celebrated the initial successes of the imperial military machine against the French. He makes German superiority clear through the contrast between civilization and culture, which are not dependent on each other, but oppose and exclude each other. For him, civilization stands for Germany, which, of course, in its essence, fights for its rights. Civilization, on the other hand, is not natural for men, but a synthetic product and therefore less valuable than culture. Thomas Mann not only defends the absolutist, monarchical welfare state[5] against the bourgeois democracies[6] in the West, but he also defends himself. He, who does not do military service, but sits at his desk in Munich with his family and several servants, does in his self-image after all do military service. In it he tries to convince his readership by combining art and war[7]. However, he says nothing about his own motives. Of course he felt obliged to support his country in 1914, but until today science could not and will never be able to clarify which factors drove man into the literary war. Kurzke describes this fact as one of the great riddles of Mann's biography.[8]

Mann's second work of war Friedrich and the grand coalition von 1915 was followed by Thomas Mann since 1905 and was originally intended to be a novel, but it was not until the First World War that the work took its decisive turn. Propaganda is the essay because the work only superficially shows a parallel to the Seven Years War. Two Poles of Mann's politics are introduced: Germany and France, personified by Frederick the Great and Voltaire. Friedrich and the grand coalition was intended to legitimize the war, which from Mann's point of view was a necessary result of the establishment of the empire in 1871. Propaganda is the work also because of the obvious parallels with the invasion of German troops in a neutral country and was perceived as such in other Western European countries[9].

Mann's war theses and propaganda also enabled him to distinguish himself from his brother Heinrich, which ended in a literary reckoning that was much harder on Thomas' side than Heinrich. The argument reached its climax in the Considerations of an apoliticalwhich, intended as an answer to Heinrich's Zola essay, poisoned the relationship between the brothers for years. By separating himself from his brother and the rest of the artistic liberal elite of the empire, Mann saw himself possibly in a good starting position as the national poet of the Germans to be perceived by the Germans, who now needed one in times of war[10]. That request failed, however, because a great many writers opted for war in 1914.[11]

The war had provoked and inspired Mann with its archaic culture. In terms of logic, as an artist he should have sided with the opponents of the war, which he later gives to the Considerations of an apolitical open to. That eroticism of war, the contradictions that arose in Europe and in German society, Mann still accepted with the distance that was essential for him. Mann's role remains the role of the outsider, as characterized by his grandson Frido Mann in 1999. Through the war and his propaganda for the war, he was integrated into the empire, but without being a symbolic figure. Mann was patriotic, but externally, his military service was literary and his propaganda was aesthetic.

Chapter 2: Considerations of a non-political

2.1 Origin Special features and overview of the considerations of an apolitical

2.1.1 Origin, structure and special features

Thomas Mann began working under the influence of the First World War in 1915 Considerations to work. The book, which he wrote himself as an artist's work, but not as a work of art[12] looked at, consists of twelve chapters that are not written chronologically. The exact course of the work can no longer be traced, as the diaries in question were destroyed by Thomas Mann. However, based on the sources and historical events used by Thomas Mann, one can draw conclusions about the origin. A precise chronology can be found in Kurzke's Thomas Mann manual.

Thieves aspirations are to be viewed as a process[13]which on the one hand reflect the course of the war, but mainly Mann's attitude to politics and his own concept of politics. Thomas Mann wrote the foreword at the end of the essay, at a time when the defeat of the empire was already in sight. Nonetheless, the considerations appeared in 1918 by S. Fischer.

The Considerations of a non-political have a number of special features. The most noticeable feature is of a journalistic nature. In 1922, in a speech on the occasion of Gerhart Hauptmann's 60th birthday, Thomas Mann openly confessed to the Weimar Republic, a tremendous change of heart for conservative and national circles, depending on the reception of the Considerations. But that also happened with Thomas Mann's change to a Republican Considerations a change in journalism, which led to an even greater outcry, especially among national-conservative philologists. In Thomas Mann's complete edition of his works from 1922 the Considerations Shortened by 38 ½ pages, namely by the pages that were not in line with Mann's current position on the republic.[14]

However, there are also a number of special features in the original text. Mann's stance on patriotism is not clear. In some passages the state appears as something technical[15] and personified and venerable in other passages. Mann's concepts of democracy and politics also remain fuzzy[16]to name a selection.

Another specialty concerns the mediator role of the Considerations in the work of Thomas Mann. In particular, they provide a link between the Friedrich essay, which was planned as a novel, and the Magic Mountain you take up the theses Friedrich and the grand coalition and they are both the beginning and the end of the Zauberbergs. Thomas Mann recognizes a "European action" in the First World War[17] "With whose (sic!) Beginning so much began that has hardly stopped to begin"[18]. Thomas Mann had to Considerations write in order to be able to continue his work and the reflections he has in the Considerations made it possible for him to commit to the republic only in 1922, so to speak with the "res publica"[19] as an intermediate step.

2.1.2 Overview

The content of the Considerations to summarize in one sentence is still relatively easy. The Considerations are Thomas Mann's struggle with himself in order to classify himself in society and to introduce his worldview to new realities. However, if you want the whole "work of an artist"[20] reproduce the same as a table of contents, one encounters many obstacles. As mentioned earlier, the Considerations Due to their developmental character and the long period of creation, riddled with inconsistencies, breaks and repetitions.

I don't want that at this point Considerations Go through chapter by chapter, but try to explain the content at prominent points listed by Thomas Mann.

I think this approach makes sense, as it allows you to avoid the repetitions and ambiguities to some extent. However, this procedure does not allow the content to be fully reproduced.

Thomas Mann sets up theses which for him characterize his time and thus also his temporary service. It is, so to speak, the poles between which his essay moves.

He sticks to his reasoning from the Thoughts in War and Friedrich and the grand coalitionthat Europe is in a war of civilization against culture. Germany represents the culture and defends itself against the civilization from the outside (France and England) and from the inside (Heinrich Mann) that has a corrosive effect.

The enemies of Germany appear politically as democracies and artistically in the form of literature. To describe literature as un-German is a contradiction that Mann openly admits in his essay.[21] He himself is part of literature and thus, according to his argumentation, stands outside Germany and the Germans. It is precisely these special positions that determine the heterogeneous for him[22] The character of Germany and its special position enable man to take an objective view from outside of the struggle between literature and culture. Reasons for this objective contradiction are only inadequately listed - man speaks of dark reasons and that he is the progress that for him leads to a "humanization in the Latin-political sense"[23] leads, does not need. He then relativizes his special position as a man of letters in the following chapter by stating that his literature (he explicitly goes on Royal Highness a) may appear French on the outside, but German on the inside.[24] At that point in the text, the ironic satirical undertone of the considerations comes through. Royal Highness is the Considerations accordingly a French-looking novel because it is democratically instructive.[25] That democratic teaching is an "orgy of individualism"[26] opposite, which represents the inner, German side of the novel. I think of that example one can see the paradoxically ironic character that keeps appearing in the Considerations comes to light, understand, since the reform of an absolutist small state with American capital and lessons from the modern economy are for man a characteristic of a democratic development process.

Reforms and developments are in the Considerations always developments that come from above, in keeping with the tradition of the Prussian reforms by Hardenberg. But you shouldn't make the mistake and that Considerations read as if one would consider those reforms of the German Reich to be positive. For him they are much more changes that are pending and represent the future. That development, which Mann considers inevitable, began for him as early as 1860, when Germany "stepped out of its idealistic into its realistic period"[27], and, according to Thomas Mann's essay, that development will inevitably lead to democracy.[28]

From this perspective, Germany occupies a special position among the European peoples, a special path which it left with the beginning of industrialization and the founding of the empire in 1871, but which has not yet led it into western civilization. Dostoyevsky serves him as a key witness for the supposed special position of Germany, for this he uses the Dostoyevsky quote that Germany does not want to unite with the rest of the world[29]. The German Reich is caught between East and West. The East appears to the German being, as one sees it, but closer than the West. That is why all of Thomas Mann's polemical attacks are directed against the Western Entente and not against Russia. Russia appears to be safer than England or France, since Russia does not export ideas like those two states. He regards the import of foreign ideas as harmful. If it was initially French-Roman civilization, it later turned into Anglo-American capitalism. Both appear superficially contradicting one another. On the one hand, Germany has always been permeated by Roman and later French influences. Influences that the German bourgeoisie and the elites in particular readily accepted, and furthermore France and Germany can look back on a common pre-state past under Charlemagne. With regard to the underlying criticism of capitalism, the German Reich appears no less capitalist than the USA or Great Britain. Before the First World War it was even the main beneficiary of increasing world trade. However, if one considers Mann's statements in the context of his basic theses, one cannot assume 1914 or 1917, since the German Reich at that time no longer met Mann's requirements for culture. It was about to civilize himself, as he also recognizes. For that reason, he does not worship the Germany of the First World War either. He takes a detached, perhaps again ironic, attitude towards patriotism[30]. This is also where they differ Considerations of the Thoughts in War or the Friedrich parallel. He wrote the propaganda because war is a compulsion to patriotism for men[31] - Patriotism, however, is not an inner feeling in Thomas Mann, as the state he admires has not existed for decades. Thomas Mann is trapped in a bourgeois worldview that he never got to know during his lifetime[32] and which he himself probably does not satisfy even with his biography. Bourgeoisie is the source of patriotism[33] and in connection with aesthetics it results in a German way of life. I will deal with Mann's concept of aesthetics and his aesthetic politics in the following chapter. Regarding bourgeoisie, however, it can be said that Mann's concept of bourgeoisie is blurred. Four terms play the main role here: artist, citizen, bourgeoisie and education.

In Mann's terminology, the artist is not a bohemian. The artist is orderly, creative and hardworking. He cites Schopenhauer as an example:

His Hanseatic and commercial origins; his sedentariness in Frankfurt, the Kantian-pedantic immutability and punctuality of his daily routine; his wise health care based on good physiological knowledge [...]; his accuracy as a capitalist [...] the calm, tenacity, thrift, uniformity of his working method [...] - all of this testifies just as strongly to the bourgeoisie of his human part as it was an expression of bourgeois spirituality [...].[34]

One might think that man is talking about himself in that section of text and not about Schopenhauer. And that was probably exactly what he intended in his lines. Man tries to find a connection between his background and his talent. The Considerations are thus also in the context of the father and defend the commercial Hanseatic origin. But it is justified to ask the question, and Thomas Mann did not do it in the considerations of an apolitical, what distinguishes a bohemian from an artist. It is not the diligence or the conscientiousness of the daily routine, but the financial resources. Thomas Mann received a monthly pension from the liquidation of his father's assets, but his upper-class lifestyle with several servants, a car and a holiday home in Bad Tölz made his marriage to Katia Pringsheim possible. With this one has to recognize that the concept of man as a citizen is a clever construction within the Considerations acts to meet its own requirements. Nevertheless, he is not entirely satisfied with the term citizen. For him, a German citizen is neither a bohemian nor a bourgeois or a Philistine[35]. All three terms are an insult to a man, even if one can recognize the tendencies in society, in particular the trend towards the bourgeoisie, which is negatively connoted by Marx and Engels. The classic German term citizenship includes humanity, freedom and education for men.[36] He does not see freedom and humanity in the revolutionary tradition, as we are perhaps used to today, but in philosophical freedom. Bourgeoisie has to be apolitical and to be a humanist means to depoliticize oneself[37]. The German concept of education and thus the bourgeoisie lacked the political moment. This phenomenon can be explained by the Enlightenment, which in Germany took place more in people's heads than on the street. To put it bluntly, according to Mann, the German citizen is underage because he is only politically enthusiastic when asked[38] and otherwise despised politics.

Thomas Mann artistically names key witnesses who are supposed to support him in the literary struggle with his brother and civilization. Most often he refers to Nietzsche, Goethe, Schopenhauer and Wagner[39], but also to foreign artists, whose works he interprets in the interests of his cause. Dostoevsky and Flaubert should be cited as exemplary examples. Thomas Mann's witnesses clearly illustrate the kind of hermeneutics with which Mann approached his sources. In case of Considerations there was the thesis of the struggle of civilization against culture and it was precisely under this premise that Mann sought out passages in the text that manifest his thesis.

2.2 Aesthetics and Politics

In the course of his essay, Thomas Mann discusses various concepts such as democracy and politics in general and tries to fit these into his image of Germany. For the reader, the terms aesthetics and politics collide and the title of the essay raises the question of why Mann describes himself as apolitical.

A key concept within the Considerations takes on the "New Pathos" that opposes the old Germany, but for it is a much more personal threat. For Mann, the “New Pathos” is progress in a dogmatic sense[40], it's inhuman and political, it mixes philosophy and politics[41] As a person, it appears for Thomas in the form of his brother Heinrich[42] and as a nation in the shape of France, but in some passages also in the shape of the USA. He opposes the “New Pathos” with a “National Ethos” which, according to Mann's semantics, is fed by the eternal rebellion of Germanic culture against Roman civilization, which would bring us back to the basic thesis of the considerations. Thomas Mann combines the “national ethos” with his “personal ethos”. How he establishes this connection, however, remains relatively unclear, like Mehring[43] aptly states. That connection between the Empire and Thomas Mann is probably also an auxiliary construction within the considerations to connect Heinrich Mann with the Entente or civilization[44]. Mehring writes that man applies his moral self-image to time and thus develops a relationship between morality and politics. Mehring sees this as a political philosophy in the considerations, which in my opinion is wrong. Thomas Mann explicitly states that the new pathos he wants to fight is the inseparability of politics and philosophy.[45] It cannot therefore be assumed that the considerations are supposed to be political philosophy, and Mehring's thesis is thus just another false reception of the Considerations.

The essay is not a political theory either, even if Thomas Mann deals with issues of electoral law and forms of government on some pages. Equal suffrage for men would destroy the individuality of the individual[46] and also ignore his position in the state. In this context, Thomas Mann advocates an “unequal right to vote”, which he considers appropriate for Germany, just as he considers democracy to be unsuitable as a form of capitalism and openly advocates the government as an appropriate form of government.[47] However, none of these statements have any empirical content, as Beate Neuss states[48]. Thomas Mann sees politics "out of smiling astonishment"[49].

Thomas Mann used in the ConsiderationsReinhard Mehring also notes that this is a far too broad political term. For him, politics is not just state action; for him, politics is the opposite of aesthetics. In this context, Thomas Mann is then also apolitical, since he is clearly part of the latter on the wide span between politics and aesthetics. One can speak of a form of political aesthetics, the content of which fluctuates between the two extremes. This would also explain the contradictions within the work. But what does Thomas Mann want with these considerations in the aesthetic-political sense?

Mere life would be too animal. Conservatism is too coarse, too loud and too folkish. Bare mind is too nihilistic. Man envisions a culture that brings spirit and life together.[50] It would suggest that Mann continued to defend the basic positions of the considerations all his life and he did not prevent their publication at the same time as the war began. Thomas Mann himself wrote on this topic:

I wanted the book to be read the way it should be read, namely not as a book that somehow leads, works or tries to persuade opinions, but rather as a novel, ie as a representation of a consciously (sic!) Experienced and already internally distant spiritual fate .[51]

Unfortunately, hardly anyone has read it like this. The Considerations appear ostensibly as a very political book and statements by Thomas Mann himself within the essay support the reader in that way of reading. Contemporary reading methods and receptions continued to appear. Paul Amann described the work in 1919 as frivolous and tainted with a wrong basic idea.[52]. Alois Dampf goes even further and expects Mann to continue his remarks and addresses him as a spiritual guide [paradoxically, Mann leaned into the Considerations yes any leaders and teachers from][53] and Egon Friedell looks into the Considerations a rejection of modern democracy[54]. A more monarchical, national-conservative reading prevailed in the receptions, which among other things led to Thomas Mann's commitment to the republic in 1922 being viewed as treason in the respective circles, since his conversion to republican was like a 180 degree change.

To the political evaluation of the Considerations To conclude, one has to state that although they are to be regarded as a confrontation with time, they have more literary value than contemporary history. The work is neither political philosophy nor political theory. Thomas Mann dealt in his own way with a topic that touched the masses. Apolitical meant neither clueless nor narrow-minded, but rather the artist's concentration on culture, soul, freedom and art[55], as Kurzke lists. The apolitical does not have to be moral, however, since Thomas Mann supported the war and national-conservative efforts in Germany in order to deal with his brother. The price for this was a politicization of the artist, perceived by the population and science, which he could no longer get rid of.

[...]



[1] Compare Wißkirchen, Hans (1999): "... the truth that no one should neglect ...". Thomas Mann's political development as reflected in his Dostoevsky reception, p.11. In: Heftrich, Eckhard / Sprecher, Thomas (ed.) (2000): Thomas Mann Jahrbuch, vol. 13, Frankfurt a.M., pp. 9-26

[2] Kurzke, Herrmann (2002): Thomas Mann. Life as a work of art, 3rd edition, Frankfurt a.M., pp 237/238

[3] See Mann, Thomas (2004): Considerations of a non-political, 3rd edition, Frankfurt a.M., p.41

[4] See http://www.jungeforschung.de/wk1/essay/tmann.html

[5] See Kurzke, Hermann / Stachorski, Stephan (eds.) (1993): Thomas Mann Essays. Volume 1: Spring storm 1893-1918, Frankfurt a.M., p.197

[6] See Ibid., P.197

[7] See Kurzke / Stachorski (1993): Thomas Mann Essays. Volume 1, pp. 190-191

[8] See Kurzke, Hermann (ed.) (2002): Thomas Mann Essays II 1914-1926. Commentary, Frankfurt a.M., p.9

[9] See Sontheimer, Kurt (1961): Thomas Mann and the Germans, Munich, p.18

[10] See Kurzke, H. (2002): Thomas Mann. Life as a work of art, p.238

[11] See Kurzke H. (2002): Essays II Commentary, p.13

[12] Cf. Mann, T .: Considerations of an apolitical, p.33

[13] See Görtemaker, Manfred (2005): Thomas Mann und die Politik, Frankfurt a.M., p.38

[14] Cf. Keller, Ernst (1965): The apolitical German. A study on the “Considerations of an Unpolitical” by Thomas Mann., Bern, p.130

[15] Cf. Mann, T .: Considerations an apolitical, p.166

[16] See chapter 2.2

[17] Mann, T .: Considerations of an apolitical, p.224

[18] Mann, Thomas (2001): Der Zauberberg, 14th edition, Frankfurt a.M., p.9

[19] Mann, T .: Considerations of an apolitical, p.292

[20] Ibid., P.33

[21] Cf. Mann, T .: Considerations of an apolitical., P.86

[22] See Ibid., P.74

[23] Ibid., P.87

[24] See Ibid., P.115

[25] See Ibid., P.115

[26] Ibid., P.115

[27] Mann, T .: Reflections, p.251

[28] See Ibid., P.342

[29] See Ibid., P.63

[30] Cf. Mann, T .: Considerations of an apolitical, p.170

[31] See Ibid., P.134

[32] According to his argument, Germany has been “civilizing” since 1860 and Thomas Mann was born in 1875

[33] Cf. Mann, T .: Considerations of an apolitical, p.120

[34] Ibid., 125/126

[35] Cf. Mann, T .: Considerations of an apolitical, p.153

[36] See Ibid., P.154

[37] See Ibid., P.139

[38] See Ibid., P.131

[39] Ernst Keller cites the frequency of the names mentioned in the considerations. Cf. Keller, E .: The apolitical German, p.170

[40] Cf. Mann, T .: Considerations of an apolitical, p.48

[41] See Ibid., P.226

[42] See chapter 2.3

[43] See Mehring, Reinhard (2001): Thomas Mann - artist and philosopher, Munich, p.167

[44] See chapter 2.3

[45] Cf. Mann, T .: Considerations of an apolitical, p.226

[46] Cf. Keller, E: The apolitical German, p.46

[47] See Ibid, p.49

[48] See.Neuss, Beate (2000): Thomas Mann: Democrat-European-World Citizen, p.87. in: Braun, Michael / Lermen, Birgit (ed.) (2003): one tells stories, forms the truth, Franfurt a.M., pp.81-102

[49] Mann, T .: Considerations of a non-political, p.219

[50] Cf. Erhardt, Gundula (2003): “My natural task in this world is of a sustaining kind”. Thomas Mann's cultural conservative thinking (1919-1922), p.102ff., In: spokesman, Thomas / Wimmer Ruprecht (ed.) (2003): Thomas Mann Yearbook, vol. 16, Frankfurt a.M., 2003, p.97-118

[51] Cf. letter to Adele Gerhard, September 11, 1918. Quoted from: Erhard, G .: Thomas Manns Kulturkonservatives Denk, p.100

[52] Cf. Amann, Paul in the Münchner Blätter für Dichtung und Graphik 1919. Quoted from: Schröter, Klaus (1969): Thomas Mann in the judgment of his time, Hamburg, p.78

[53] Cf. Dempf, Alois in an open letter to Thomas Mann in 1919. Quoted from: Ibid. P.82

[54] See Friedell, Egon in the Neue Wiener Journal of 9 March 1919. Quoted from Ibid., P.83ff

[55] Cf. Kurzke, Herrmann (1990): Considerations of an Unpolitical, p.679. In: Koopmann, Helmut (ed.) (1995): Thomas-Mann-Handbuch, 2nd edition, Regensburg, pp.678-695

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