Why do survivors of sexual abuse distance themselves

Sexual abuse of children by women

TABLE OF CONTENTS

I. INTRODUCTION
1. Questions, hypotheses, or both
2. Objective of the diploma thesis
3. Structure of the thesis
4. Methods
5. Research problem

II. DEFINITION AND LIMITATION
1. Sexual abuse, sexual violence, sexual exploitation- a matter of expression
1.1. Sexual abuse
1.2. Forms of child sexual abuse
1.3. Frequency of child sexual abuse by women

III. TABOO
1. Women as perpetrators - a taboo in our society
- Old psychoanalytic view of women as sex offenders
2. The role of the mother - a holy Mary
2.1. Maternal instinct, the innate maternal love
2.2. The restructuring of the mother image in the course of time
- The emergence of today's mother image in the course of time

IV. CAUSES
1. Psychosocial models of explanation of child sexual abuse by women
1.1. Feminist theory
1.2. Family dynamics theory
1.3. Sociological Theories
1.4. Psychopathological theory
2. The background to child sexual abuse and its theoretical explanations
2.1. Control and the need for security as motives for child sexual abuse
2.2. Sexual abuse as a result of the patriarchal society
2.3. Control and need for security
2.4. Cyclical Transmission of Child Sexual Abuse
- Criticism of the cyclical propagation theory
2.5. Abuse cycles and their different psychological paradigm standpoints
2.5.1. Modeling through early childhood experiences
2.5.2. Conditioning in Childhood
2.5.3. Identification with the aggressor
2.5.4. Reinstating the trauma
2.5.5. Favoring factors that prevent / promote the propagation of cyclical abuse
2.6. New emergence of sexual abuse behavior
2.7. Organic Reasons for Committing Child Sexual Abuse
2.8. Addiction and Child Sexual Abuse by Women
2.9. Four-factor model by Finkelhor (1984)
3. Mental disorders - contributing cause of child sexual abuse
3.1. Female perversion
3.2. Female perversion, the latent perversion
3.3. The concept of female perversion
3.4. Identity and gender identity, problems as the origin of female perversion
3.5. Sexualization
3.6. Perversion as a defense mechanism
3.7. When does female perversion appear?

V. PROCEDURE AND TYPOLOGIES
1. The child as an object of abuse
2. Mechanisms of the woman to bind the child to her
2.1 Grooming and targeting
2.2 Symbiotic relationship
- Bonding on the superego level
- Attachment at the I level
2.3 Parentification
2.4 Partner replacement
- Attachment on the ES level (affective level)
- Psychoanalytic consideration of physical violence
2.5 Perverse motherhood
2.5.1 The shame and the maternal ideal of the asexual child
2.5.2 Perverse motherhood demonstrated using the mother's breast as an example
2.5.3 Cross-border sex education
2.5.4 Children's genital washing of boys by women
2.6 The child as an intimate partner
2.6.1 Sleep in the mother's bed when the partner is not there
2.6.2 Mother-son incest
3 Typology of the perpetrators
3.1 Personality traits of the perpetrators
3.2 Personal background of the perpetrators
4 women and their sexual abuse behavior
4.1 Individual and co-perpetrators
4.2 Number of victims of perpetrators
4.3 Gender distribution of the victims
- women who abuse girls
4.4 Pedophilia in women who abuse children
4.5 Typing according to Mathews, Matthews and Speltz (1991)
- Results of the study by Mathews et al. (1991)
4.6 Typing according to Sandler and Freeman (2007)

VI. SEXUAL ABUSE FROM THE VICTIM'S POINT OF VICTIM
1. How children perceive abuse
1.1. mortification
1.2. The child as a victim
2. How society perceives abuse of girls and boys differently
2.1 How boys perceive abuse by a woman
2.2 How girls perceive abuse by a woman
3. Effects of Child Sexual Abuse on Victims
3.1. Physical effects of child abuse
3.2. Effects in social behavior
3.3. Effects when the child is used as an intimate partner
3.4. Identification with the aggressor
3.5. Gender problem as an effect of a perverted mother
3.5.1 Early pregnancy
3.5.2 Male identification
3.6. Borderline diseases as a result of child sexual abuse
3.7. Causes of Delaying Effects of Child Abuse
4. Sacrificial behavior

VII. THERAPY AND TREATMENT OPTIONS FOR Victims and perpetrators
1. Therapy for the perpetrator typologies according to Mathew and Matthews
1.1. Therapy of teacher / lover perpetrators
1.2. Therapy of predisposed perpetrators
1.3. Therapy of female perpetrators forced by men
2. Consequences of therapy for perpetrators
3. Therapy of victims

VIII. SUMMARY 135
1. Difficulties during the preparation of the scientific paper
2. Research outlook
3. Conclusion

IX. BIBLIOGRAPHY

- illustrations

ABSTRACT

Sexual child abuse by women is still one of the biggest taboo topics today. This work has set itself the goal of showing the causes and backgrounds why women as child abusers were completely ignored by society and experts for a long time.

The topic is dealt with literarily with the help of English-language (Estela Welldon, 2003; David Finkelhor, 1979, 1984, Jane Kinder Mathews, Ruth Matthews & Kathleen Speltz, 1991, etc.) and German-language literature (Gerhardt Amendt, 1993; Dirk Bange , 1996, Alexander Markus Homes, 2004, etc.) approximated. Special attention was paid to the perverse care to show how creeping sexual assaults can flow into the everyday body routine between woman and child. Furthermore, the cyclical transmission of abuse is examined more closely and it is shown how this can be prevented, since a predisposition can positively favor one's own perpetration.

I. introduction

“What is hardest for me to explain and to endure to this day is that I still loved my mother when I was my mother. It is only as a child that one cannot love other than his parents ”(simsalabim006, 2011). The quotation from the video recording Sexually abused by the mother - 2007 shows in a terrifyingly clear way how those affected feel, who have been victims of sexual assault on their own mother. The public is increasingly witnessing that sexual

Child abuse is much more common than expected. However, we start “. . . only recently. . . to perceive that [ sic ] women, mothers, aunts, sisters, educators also sexually abuse (their) children [ sic ] "(Bruder, 1997, p. 4; quoted from Rossilhol, 2005b, p. 7).

The judicial crime statistics of the Statistics Austria (2012) recorded 153 reports in 2010 according to the offense § 207 StGB des sexual abuse of minors (§ 207a and § 207b included) and according to § 206 StGB des serious sexual abuse of minors. Of these, only 15 women were judicially convicted according to the offense. According to estimates, however, the number of unreported women who commit sexual abuse of children is significantly higher. However, the numbers differ in the different sources. It is particularly striking that, statistically speaking, more unknown perpetrators appear than perpetrators from the family circle (Bange, 1996), but the majority of the victims surveyed reported about perpetrators within the family (Gerber, 2004).

1 . Any questions, hypotheses, or both

What grievances must arise for women to be capable of these acts? Are there any indications in the history of human development of child sexual abuse by women that justify this behavior evolutionarily? Are these perpetrators just isolated cases or a logical consequence of today's emancipation? How do affected children (the potential victims) deal with it and to what extent can the abuse be passed on generatively? To what extent do the wards also play a major role in sexual exploitation? Is it another taboo for the abused to have perceived the abuse that has taken place "for a short time out of a playful instinct" as good? The question also arises as to why heterosexual perpetrators sexually abuse girls even though they have no lesbian tendencies.

Further details will also be explained as to how the public is using the subject Child sexual abuse by women bypasses. In addition, the phenomenon of Madonna Whores Complex must be examined in more detail to understand why this type of abuse remains one of the greatest taboo topics in our German-speaking society to this day. These and many other questions should be investigated with the help of this scientific work.

2. Objective of the diploma thesis

Based on the initial situation outlined above, the aim of this diploma thesis is to make a contribution to the recording and explanation of the behavior of women who sexually abuse children. This scientific work shows the social ignorance of child sexual abuse by women and deals with the complexities of a sexual mother-child relationship. It also deals with the no less important role, the existing or non-existing relationship between the partner and the perpetrator. With regard to the complexity of the subject of this scientific work, more questions will arise than can be answered.

3. Structure of the thesis

This scientific work is divided into eight chapters:

I. introduction
II. Definition and demarcation
III. taboo
IV. causes
V. Procedures and typologies
VI. Sexual abuse from the victims' point of view
VII. Therapy and treatment options for victims and perpetrators
VIII. Résumé

One of the biggest taboo topics in German-speaking society is women as child abusers. In order to better deal with the topic, it is important to define the term sexual abuse and show the frequency of child sexual abuse by women. For this purpose, data from the Anglo-Saxon, American and Scandinavian countries was used, since in the Catholic area the taboo on this topic may have a significant impact on the research data.

In the “Taboo” chapter, among other things, the topic is dealt with why women are ignored by society as sexual child abusers and the question of the extent to which the religiously tainted role model is examined mother the image of the woman as Non-perpetrator favored.

The following chapter "Causes" gives an overview of the multifactorial, psychosocial causes and the theory of cyclical forwarding of child sexual abuse by women. In addition, this chapter also addresses the less common cause of child sexual abuse, namely the female perversion, and the question to what extent mental illness can be a contributory cause of child sexual abuse.

The fifth chapter "Procedures and Typologies" deals with well-founded study results by renowned researchers on the said topic in order to be able to show the personality and the varied approaches of the perpetrators.

In the sixth chapter "Sexual abuse from the point of view of the victims" the abuse situation is described from the point of view of the abused child. This is so important because it can be assumed that one's own experience of abuse positively favors future perpetrators. This chapter also looks at the psychological and social effects and the consequences of child sexual abuse.

In the following chapter, “Therapy and treatment options for victims”, the basic requirements for a positive start to therapy are described and the individual therapies with which the perpetrators can be treated in order to be able to free themselves from the perpetrator role are described in condensed form.

At the end of the diploma thesis, in the “Summary” chapter, a short summary will conclude the work and provide food for thought on how the topic of sexual child abuse by women in public spaces could be largely defaced.

4th Methods

This scientific work is primarily a literary-based diploma thesis. Due to the complexity of the topic, scientifically recognized studies and research from Anglo-Saxon (Allen, 1991; Bumby & Bumby, 1997; Faller, 1995; Kaplan & Green, 1995; Mathews, Matthews & Speltz, 1991; Welldon, 2003; Vandiver & Kercher , 2004; etc.) and German-speaking countries (Amendt, 1993; Herste, 2009; Homes, 2004; etc.) compared and put into context.

5. Research problem

The problem with the current state of research is that many findings about women who commit sexual child abuse are largely based only on the retrospective statements of the victims (see Finkelhor, 1979; Fritz, Stoll & Wagner, 1981, etc.). For this reason, it is very difficult to create an objective perpetrator profile. The victims interviewed, often children, have little or no knowledge of the abuser’s life story, are unable to provide information about the sexuality, sexual fantasies of the perpetrators or to what extent the sexuality was otherwise lived out. However, this is indispensable for developing the personality of the perpetrator and typifying it, and it makes it difficult to create a uniform classification concept, since often only the described subjective perception of the victim determines the image of the perpetrator. In addition, due to the small number of cases of abuse, there is the problem that the studies do not or hardly meet the scientific criteria (representativeness due to the too small samples, see the study by Chasnoff et al. 1986; Kaplan & Green, 1995, etc.) can meet and therefore cannot be generalized. These studies can only be used to a limited extent as far-reaching research material, as the survey is often voluntary and may be subject to social desirability (see the study by Gerhard Amendt, 1993, How mother see her sons).

II. Definition and demarcation

1 . Sexual abuse, sexual violence, sexual exploitation - a matter of expression

Next to the term sexual abuse a variety of terms are used in the literature, such as B. sexual violence or sexual exploitation. However, especially for further research, diagnostics and therapy, it would be important to use a uniform definition in order to minimize misunderstandings. In addition to the most common expression of sexual abuse, terms such as sexual violence, sexual exploitation and sexual assault are used synonymously in specialist literature and in everyday journalism. To date, however, there is no valid definition of child sexual abuse. The respective definitions can only be categorized into different systems. It is roughly divided into expanse and tight Definitions. The broad definition includes all actions that can cause damage, e.g. B. Exhibitionism, even without any physical contact.

The narrow definition, however, only regards acts as sexual abuse that are actually identified as harmful or that are handled as such (Wetzels, 1997; Bange, 1996).

Which terminology is used depends on the orientation of the respective authors and on which aspect of the abuse they focus on (the nature of the act, the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator, the age of the victim, the violence or exercise of power by the perpetrator, the cognitive, emotional development of the victim or the effects). In many non-scientific articles on the subject matter, the terms are used synonymously, but clearly delimited definitions are also a rarity in specialist scientific articles (Children's and Youth Ombudsman's Office Upper Austria [KiJA Oö], 2010).

The terms used for abused persons also differ depending on who it is aimed at. In the specialist literature that is specifically aimed at those affected, the term survivor is often used instead of the term victim. In the literature on those affected, the term victim is rarely used, as it is intended to prevent a feeling of powerlessness from arising again or being forced upon the affected person.The psychologist Beate Balzer (1998) puts it this way:

"Some authors consider the terms' victim 'and' perpetrator 'to be problematic, as the term' victim 'implies the danger that the girls (boys) concerned would be forced into a' victim role ', which would give them any' Sanity '. . . ”(P. 46, quoted from Gerber, 2004, p. 21).

However, the term survivor is not relevant to this scientific work. Children who have been abused by their mother are first and foremost victims, regardless of the fact that they too may enjoy sexual acts with the perpetrator. In view of this, the term survivor is not used in this work, in the view of the graduate student, as it does not adequately capture the complexity of the relationship between the perpetrator and the victim.

Regarding the fact that some women abuse their children and have been abused in advance even in their childhood, these women are to be seen in the first instance as abusers and he is in second place as victims.

1.1. Sexual abuse

The term sexual abuse includes all the manifold factors of sexual offense and will be used in the further course of the work to express sexual assault on a child.

The definition of the qualified pedagogue and trauma therapist Ursula Enders briefly and concisely specifies the term child sexual abuse as follows:

Abuse takes place “when a girl or boy is used by an adult or older adolescent as an object of their own sexual needs” (2003, quoted from KiJA Oö, 2010, p. 4) as well as when “children and adolescents because of their cognitive and emotional Development incapable of knowingly consenting to sexual relations with adults. The perpetrator almost always takes advantage of a power or dependency relationship ”(2003, quoted from KiJA Oö, 2010, p. 4). The definition of Enders highlights the emotional and cognitive development of the child as well as the prevailing power imbalance between the victim and the perpetrator.

The American Academy of Pediatrics' Committee on Child Abuse and Neglect Policy Statement's definition of sexual abuse emphasizes the moral values ​​of society and states that everyone “. . . The inclusion of a child in a sexual act [is] understood for which it is not yet developmentally mature, which it therefore cannot overlook and / or which violates the social and legal taboos of society ”(1991, quoted from Hardt & Engfer, 2012 , P. 683). A sexual offense thus arises when the “. . . sexual integrity or the sexual self-determination of another is violated ”(Lackinger, 2008, p. 28), regardless of whether these actions were carried out consciously or unconsciously (Haag, 2006). This specification relates to any unwanted sexual act by children before the age of 14 with people who are at least five years older (Hardt & Engfer, 2012).

However, perpetrators often assume that their victims have willingly consented to the sexual abuse. The German educational scientist Dirk Bange and the German psychologist Günther Deegener (1996) justify this behavior with the help of the concept of knowing consent (Bange, 1996, p. 31). Since the child is cognitively, linguistically, psychologically and physically incapable of being a reciprocal partner for the adults, the child is exposed to a permanent power imbalance. It is therefore not possible for the child to knowingly consent to or refuse sexual contact with an adult woman, which is why every sexual contact that is carried out between an adult and a child is to be regarded as sexual abuse (Bange, 1996).

1.2 Forms of child sexual abuse

"Abuse is any action on the child with educational intent that, due to its reason, strength and frequency, causes significant damage" (Asperger, 1966; quoted from Ulonska & Koch 1997, p. 33; quoted from Kapella & Cizek 2001, p. 82). The early definition by the Austrian pediatrician Hans Asperger is problematic because he focuses on the damage caused by abuse. As a result, those children who have sufficient reslience factors and who do not have to expect negative consequences are denied that they have been abused at all (Amann & Wipplinger, 1997; Bange, 1996).

However, child sexual abuse rarely goes hand in hand without any form of abuse, regardless of whether it is perceived subtly by the child, disguised as seduction or on the basis of a variety of reprisals.

Since sexual child abuse by women is very often misunderstood and is instead viewed as overprotective maternal love, particularly open sex education, or both, a list of actions should make it clear when sexual child abuse begins and this is criminalized in the Austrian code according to the offense of § 207 StGB of sexual abuse is convicted of minors and, according to Section 206 StGB, of serious sexual abuse of minors (Statistics Austria, 2012).

Figure not included in this excerpt

(see KiJA OÖ, 2010, p. 5)

1.3 Frequency of child sexual abuse by women

The statistical survey of the frequency of child sexual abuse by women is very variable. When using the figures, care must be taken to identify the country from which the data were collected, as the cultural background can have a significant influence on a research study. In North America, as well as in the Scandinavian countries, there is a greater openness to the issue of child sexual abuse by women. In Catholic countries such as Italy, Spain, Brazil and in German-speaking countries, however, there is greater taboo, which is why a higher number of unreported cases can be assumed in these countries (Gerber, 2004). Most of the studies have been carried out in the Anglo-Saxon region.

Nevertheless, the studies cannot be compared with one another without further questioning, as the studies are very divergent among one another. The differences arise from the definition of the term sexual abuse, the frequent failure to differentiate between acts of co-involvement or single perpetration, or the fact that the woman only allowed child sexual abuse to her / her partner (see American Humane Association Study [AHA], 1981) as well as that in most studies only the victims were questioned about the abuse (Finkelhor, 1979; Fritz, Stoll & Wagner, 1981; etc.), the perpetrators, however, hardly or only inadequately.

It is also not possible to assume a specific number of cases, since the epidemiology of child sexual abuse can usually only be traced back to the incidence (specific period, usually one year) of cases on record (youth welfare office, police crime statistics, youth welfare offices, etc.) within the population is. Numbers on prevalence cases (certain period e.g. abuse in childhood) are rarely listed in the literature because of the ethnic difficulties in discussing it with the perpetrators or the children immediately after the abuse. In addition, the victims, but also the perpetrators, keep silent or completely concealed the crimes long into adulthood so that the cases are no longer shown in the epidemiology of the incidence. Because of this, the epidemiology can only be traced back to convicted criminal cases as well as youth welfare office data and police crime statistics, which is why a very high number of unreported cases can be expected (Bange, 1996; KiJA OÖ, 2010).

The incidence of female sex offenders abusing children is divergent. The international study by Cortoni, Hanson and Coache, 2010, (updated version of the study by Cortoni & Hanson, 2005) which looked at the prevalence of female sex offenders in Canada, the United States of America, Australia, New Zealand, England and Wales, among others argued, was able to show that only around 4 to 5% of sex offenders are female. The early study by the American social scientist David Finkelhor and the South African sociologist Diana Russell (1984) compared numerous study results regarding the prevalence of female child molestation and was able to show a contradicting result. Finkelhor and Russell (1984) found that female child abuse abusers of 20% (varying between 14% and 27%) for male children and approximately 5% (varying between 0% to 10%) for girls in the United States can be considered realistic by America.

The early retrospective sample study by the American psychologist Nicholas Groth (1979) also confirms the assumption of Finkelhor and Russell (1984). Of 348 sex offenders examined, 8.3% stated that they had been sexually abused by a woman in their childhood (Groth, 1979). In a personal conversation between Finkelhor, Russell, and Groth (1983), Groth confirmed his early 1979 study and came to a similar conclusion. 51% of the sex offenders examined by Groth stated that they had been sexually abused in their childhood and 25% of them were sexually abused by a woman (cf. Finkelhor & Russell, 1984, p. 176). The American study by psychologists Michael Petrovich and Donald Templer (1984) was able to show an even higher proportion of female sexual abuse. In the sample by Petrovich and Templer (1984), of the 83 rapists who were sexually molested even in their youth, 49 people (59%) were sexually abused by a woman.

In the updated version of the earlier international study by Cortoni and Hanson (2005), Cortoni et al. (2010) found that the ratio of male sex offenders to female sex offenders is 1:20. If this relation is applied with regard to the internationally published meta-analysis study by Pereda, Guilera, Forns, and Gómez-Benito (2009) in which it was found that almost 20% women and 8% men were sexually abused before the age of 18, the result from the fact that 1.4% of all sex victims were abused by a perpetrator.

Across Austria, however, it is assumed that around 5-10% of sexual assaults on children are carried out by women, regardless of whether the woman is an accomplice or a sole perpetrator (Federal Ministry of Economics, Family and Youth [Bmwfj], 2013). In addition, the spokeswoman for the Vorarlberg State Police Directorate, Susanne Dilp, was able to show that the number of reports of child abusers in Austria is geographically incongruent. Statistically speaking, sexual abuse is reported more frequently in more densely populated areas (City of Vienna) than in rural areas. There are hardly any known cases of sexual child abuse by women in Vorarlberg (Sturn, 2013).

In 2010, only eight women (over 18 years of age) in Austria were convicted of sexual abuse of minors under Section 207 StGB and only seven women were convicted of serious sexual abuse of minors under Section 206 StGB. In 2012, only 25 women in Austria were convicted of having committed offenses under Section 207 StGB and under Section 206 StGB.

Figure not included in this excerpt

(see Federal Ministry of the Interior [BMI], 2012, p. 16 / B9)

Due to the small number of perpetrators, it is assumed that it is insufficient or not important enough in Austria to conduct dedicated research on this clientele (Statistics Austria, 2012). The different research results from the international arena (Cortoni et al., 2010; Finkelhor & Russell, 1984; Groth, 1979, 1983; Petrovich & Templer; 1984; etc.) that highlight the incongruence of the statistical distribution of women who abuse children, Making them visible does, however, significantly legitimize research on female child abusers in Austria.

III Taboo

1. Women as perpetrators - a taboo in our society

The subject of women sexually abusing children is still a taboo in German-speaking society. However, research into the incest taboo according to Freud allows conclusions to be drawn about the reasons why female sex offenders are taboo.

The word taboo comes from Polynesian and translates as inviolable, forbidden and sanctified. Originally, the taboo was viewed as a behavioral norm that has a religious-cultic character and is primarily to be found among indigenous peoples.

This norm of behavior is intended to induce people to avoid certain people, things, animals, which are often regarded as "sacred", not to attack them or not to pronounce certain words in order to avoid a supernatural disaster (cf. Clauss, 1995, P. 457). In this sense, the taboo is seen as a prohibition in society. It is cross-cultural, of unknown origin, unquestioned, often incomprehensible, despite all of this, people tacitly submit to this set of rules (Freud, 1913/1924). The co-founder of Völkerpsychologie Wilhelm Wundt describes the concept of taboo as follows: “The taboo [is] the oldest unwritten. . . Code of Laws of Mankind ”(Wundt, 1906, p. 308).

The psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud adds in this regard that the taboo “. . . has become the root of our moral commandments and our laws ”(Freud, 1913/1924, p. 34). Freud builds on Wundt's explanatory approach and sees the taboo as a socio-psychological function that requires an effective restriction of instinctual satisfaction in order to enable a regulated and social life with one another. Thus he sees the "basis of the taboo [as] a forbidden act [to] which there is a strong inclination in the unconscious [sic]" (Freud, 1913/1924, p. 42). In his book Totem and Tabu (1913/1924), Freud deals, among other things, with the incest taboo. Freud interprets that the origin of the incest taboo, which he understands as the prerequisites for the development of human culture, lies in the fact that people feel a natural incest tendency within themselves, which has to be suppressed due to cultural factors. As a point of reference, Freud compares the mental life of Aborigines, in his opinion the most primitive people, and a civilized neurotic.

The neurotic is subject to the ambivalence of giving in to the natural desire to satisfy his instinctual needs (desire) and the conscious restriction (prohibition) not to do so. Freud draws parallels here with the Aborigines who “. . . a well-preserved preliminary stage of our own development. . . ”(Freud, 1913/1924, p. 5) and are subject to a constant struggle between natural instincts and cultural restrictions. In addition, Freud noted that the Aborigines were very averse to incest and that the prevention of these gender relationships was adhered to with the greatest rigor (Freud, 1913/1924). In connection with this, he noted the lack of any religious or social order, but this is offset by the system of totemism. According to Freud, totemism corresponds to the first phase of culture, which is ubiquitous in all cultures, and “. . . brings with it the prohibition of incestuous object choice ”(Freud, 1930/2015, p. 22), whereby totemism is connected with exogamy. The exogamy states that “members of the same totem are not allowed to enter into a sexual relationship with one another, so they are also not allowed to marry one another” (Freud, 1913/1924, p. 8). With the Aborigines, the respective totem is passed on from the mothers to their sons, which means that any incest between mothers and children, sisters and brothers is completely prevented, but at the same time also implies that sexual intercourse with the father is not expressly forbidden . Freud (1913/1924) concludes from this that the totem prohibition is primarily directed against the incestuous desires of the son and is intended to protect the mother from his childish instinctual desires. According to Freud, the origin of exogamy and the associated prohibition of totems and the resulting taboo of incest is based on the Oedipus complex, which is also understood as the core complex of neuroses, which in turn makes it possible to map the connections with the neurotic.

The collective taboo of women as sex offenders goes hand in hand with an enormous emotional charge and a collective repression pattern (“women don't do that”). As a result, breaking a taboo is punished by society with sanctions and even a social committee, which is why especially mothers who maintain the almost entirely inviolable status of a loving, caring woman in German-speaking society are inclined to conceal or completely negate their actions just to keep up social appearances.

The English child psychologist Michele Elliott (1995), who was sexually abused by her own mother and grandmother at the age of four, expresses the tabooing of sexual child abusers and the associated collective repression mechanism with the sentence “No one becomes sexual by a woman abused [sic]. I have to be crazy ”(p. 11), aptly. She felt that what had happened was so abnormal that it couldn't have actually happened.

If a woman is admitted to child sexual abuse, the act is often trivialized. With the sentence: "There is somehow more a feeling of normality about being abused by a man" (1992, quoted in Forbes, 1992, p. 319), the psychologist Robert Hodgson expresses the normality of sexual abusers. but the woman as a sex offender is entirely determined. The accompanying trivialization of sexual abuse by women is often accompanied by an ignorance of female sexuality and is illustrated by the sentence by the psychiatrist James L. Mathis (1972) “That she might seduce a helpless child is unthinkable, and even if she did so , what harm can be done without a penis? ”(p. 54), expressively described.

The societal expectation of child sexual abuse by women is also shown representative in the study by the psychologist Sylvia Broussard, William G. Wagner and Richard Kazelskis (1991). 180 female and 180 male first-year students were asked about the possible consequences of child sexual abuse. As expected, the sexual interaction between a female perpetrator and a male victim was seen as less traumatic than when the interaction pattern was reversed. At times, however, research indicates that child sexual abuse by women is no less serious than abuse by a male person (Rossilhol, 2005b). Ruth Rüdisser, expert for the Institute for Social Services (IfS) in Bregenz, even takes the opinion that abuse by a woman is often perceived as worse in the children's experience, since the woman is usually the main reference person and the child's guardian (Sturn , 2013).

If the Swiss psychiatrist Carl Gustav Jung (2011) draws on the thesis of archetypes and the collective unconscious to accept Freud's incest taboo, this results in new approaches that complement each other, as well as possible further causes of non-recognition women as perpetrators can provide information. Based on this, it should be shown how the role of women and mothers has changed over the course of time. A short digression should also provide an insight into the origins of the long prevailing psychoanalytic view of Sigmund Freud, who for a long time dismissed sexual abuse by women as a pure fantasy of the victim.

- Old psychoanalytic view of women as sex offenders

When Sigmund Freud was confronted with the precarious topic of sexual abuse by women, he took the view that this was a pure fantasy of women / men so that they do not have to deal with reality and the actual perpetrator, man. His insistence that women cannot be sexual perpetrators may be based on an unconscious defensive reaction to his own traumatic experience with his nanny. From Sigmund Freud's private letters to Wilhelm Fließ, it emerges that Freud discovered, based on the self-analysis of his dreams, that his nanny bathed him in “red bath water” in his childhood. According to him, this was the menstrual blood of his nanny (Menninghaus, 2006). Since Freud was able to see how the nanny had also washed herself in her menstrual blood beforehand, a perverse situation arose in which Freud now “. . . also [perceives] the blood as sexually arousing ”(Freud, 1986, p. 236; quoted from Menninghaus, 2006, p. 98). Freud saw the libidinal filling of menstrual secretions as a relic of ancient, animal sexuality. It was only through the cultural process of walking upright and lifting the nose and the resulting "distancing from (animal) smelling of sexual secretions and excrement" (Menninghaus, 2006, p. 93) that menstrual secretions were henceforth viewed as disgusting. Through the exciting perception of the blood, Freud was now of the assumption that he was disgust-resistant, which he saw as conducive to his psychoanalytic point of view. From this experience, Freud drew the conclusion that he then reversed the role of the ancients from ancient literature, which was demonized in the 18th century. Freud now saw "the prehistoric old woman" (his nanny) (Freud, 1986, p. 236; quoted from Menninghaus, 2006, p. 98) and the perverse practice of bathing him in her menstrual blood as a grateful enrichment for his continuing work Life as a "disgust-resistant" psychoanalyst. Because of this, he may come to the conclusion that older women in particular do not pose a sexual threat to the sexuality of the male child, but rather are an asset.

[...]

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